With its momentum flagging, reformasi has to reinvent itself as a pan-Malaysian movement based on principle rather than political expediency

by Muzaffar Tate

Reformasi has to reinvent itself

For those of us who love our country and also are firm believers in democracy as the best form of government for it, these are sad times indeed. Although the Reid Constitution of 1957 was based on democratic principles, it was riddled with escape clauses which successive administrations have made full use of to evade the spirit and block the purpose of the democratic system. As a result today we are living in a country where democracy virtually no more exists except in name.

As in the case of all theories concerned with the political organisation of the State, the central issue in democracy is the issue of power. In a genuine democracy ultimate power and authority is vested in the citizens of the nation, not in the Government of the day, nor even in Parliament, the chamber of the people’s elected representatives. It rests in the hands of its citizens, is exercised through regular elections and safeguarded by certain institutions such as a neutral civil service, a non-political police force and armed services, and an impartial and independent judiciary. It is also a power exercised through the right of the individual citizen to follow the religion of his choice, to be able freely to express his opinions, to participate in assemblies, to form associations, and to enjoy freedom of movement, the right to fair trial if accused of breaking the law, and freedom from arbitrary arrest.

A Self-Perpetuating Elite

As we all know, these basic ingredients of democracy no longer exist in this country or have become so completely circumscribed or circumvented as to be virtually meaningless. In other words, in Malaysia power no longer resides with the citizens of the country but with a self-appointed - after all, did not Dr Mahathir and all our political leaders choose to enter politics of their own volition? - self-renewing and self-perpetuating elite This is not exactly what we set out to achieve when we gained our independence in the Peninsula in 1957 and in Sabah and Sarawak in 1963, is it?

For many people, however, the whittling away of our democratic rights is a matter of little concern. For them, what matters is that the present regime has fulfilled two primary roles of government. It has provided political stability and stimulated economic growth. Malaysia’s growth and development and its ability to handle the affairs of a multi-ethnic society without violence and bloodshed (with the one major exception of 13 May 1969, from which the nation recovered quickly) is without question a remarkable achievement. Surely the curtailment of our liberties is a small price to pay for such peace and progress?

Maybe. But what if your husband, or cousin brother, or sister-in-law’s husband has been arrested under the ISA on charges against which he is not given the chance to defend himself in open court and is held in detention indefinitely? The Government will tell the world that he has been arrested as a threat to national security. But are you going to take the Government’s word for it? After all the half-truths put through the media? After all the scandals involving people in high places? After the endless revelations of mismanagement and defalcations in the world of high finance, business and commerce? After all the shabby manipulation of justice in our courts which has made a mockery of our system of justice in the eyes of the whole world?

In other words, the blatant abuse of democratic principles and the obvious lack of democratic practice in our society are undeniable. Any thinking person is well aware of this patent lack of democracy - this lack of control which we as citizens have over our elected representatives, and in turn their lack of control over the Prime Minster and Cabinet, and finally the lack of control of the members of the Cabinet themselves over the Prime Minister, whereas in a democracy power is supposed to reside in the hands of the people as individual members of society. But here in this country, it is all the other away around. Ask Musa Hitam. Ask Salleh Abas. Ask Anwar Ibrahim. Ask Azalina Othman. All of us, from the humblest citizen to the most privileged party supporter who are not members of the privileged circle of the elite are in fact dependent on the patronage and good will, direct or indirect, of those who hold the reins of power in the Government.

Error in Strategy

The catalyst for this sudden clamour for reform and change was Anwar

There are many factors which account for this loss of democratic control over our own government in our own country within a generation of achieving independence from colonial rule. Space does not allow for discussion of these factors here. However, in the present political context, one factor deserves special mention, namely a basic error in political strategy adopted by the Reformasi movement, which emerged spontaneously from the public reaction to the arrest, detention and charges against Anwar Ibrahim in September 1998. The catalyst for this sudden clamour for reform and change was Anwar Ibrahim himself and the outrage at the manner in which he was forced out of office, detained and put on trial.

However, Reformasi was, and is still, an expression of much more than mere outrage at a despicable political manoeuvre. It also sprang from a long pent-up desire for decency, transparency, and accountability in Government - after two decades of king-size political and economic scandals - and for the restoration - or more accurately, introduction - of the basic democratic rights which are enshrined in our Constitution but which have never been truly respected. Above all, Reformasi was inspired by a deep desire amongst progressive and liberal-minded people to open up a new approach to politics based on principle, in place of the horse-dealing communal politics which we continue to endure based on expediency.

It was in the context of this idealism and the euphoria it engendered in late 1998 that the decision was taken to convert Reformasi from a non-aligned movement for democratic reform (that aroused a popular enthusiasm and support which cut across racial, religious and cultural lines) into one which assumed the traditional form of a political organisation directly involved in the political arena (in the struggle to seek political power in order to carry out its programme).

Although at the time this decision might have appeared to those involved as being the most obvious and viable one to make, in hindsight it has proved to have been a grave tactical error. It was a decision that inevitably clouded the basic purpose of the Reformasi movement, which should have been focussed solely on bringing together under one banner all those - regardless of race, religion or political background - who are genuinely concerned with the reinstatement and maintenance of the basic principles of democratic governance. It should not have involved itself in the labyrinthine twists and turns of party politics and particular interests, where everyone has his or her own agenda.

For by entering directly into the political area, the Reformasi movement could no longer confine itself to its principle purpose - the restoration of democracy and honest government - but had to participate in the process of bargaining and compromise, both internally amongst its own members and externally in its relations with its former allies, now potential rivals, in the quest for power. This inevitably has undermined Reformasi’s unity of purpose to achieve its initial and basic aim of restoring (or introducing) genuine democracy in the country. By the same token the Reformasi movement now stands in danger of forfeiting the support of that large constituency of Malaysian voters from both the left-wing and the right, and from all the main ethnic groups who have so eagerly responded to the emergence of this movement in defence of democracy.

In other words, by abandoning its position as a non-party political pressure group in favour of democratic reform and opting for transforming itself into a political party itself, the Reformasi movement has lost much of its credibility. A non-aligned movement, such as Reformasi initially set out to be, must be based on principles, not on political expediency, and its appeal to its supporters is derived precisely from the fact that it transcends the narrow agendas of political self-interest.

Lost Sense of Purpose

The proof of the pudding is in the eating. Whether its supporters like it or not, the movement as represented specifically by KeADILan and more generally by the concept of the Barisan Alternatif coalition has inevitably been dragged into the vortex of party politics and rival interests, having to seek compromises with PAS and the DAP, no longer seen as good companions in a common cause but now rivals for political influence and power, with different and conflicting agendas of their own. KeADILan’s attempts to serve as mediator between its coalition team-mates has not met with success. There has also followed the inevitable acrimonious debates among members of the Barisan Alternatif over the allocation of seats to be contested in elections, besides the difficult negotiations to seek a common stand on a variety of contentious issues.

As a result, although the on-going euphoria for democracy held things together for some time, a united front of BA members has became increasingly difficult to maintain. Its victory at Lunas marked the high point in the BA’s bid for political influence and power, a success, however, which was probably as much due to ineptitude on the part of the BN campaign as anything else. However, the Lunas victory has so far not been repeated. In fact, since them it has all been downhill for the BA, with continual bickering over issues which form no part of the basic Reformasi agenda.

All this has provided much grist to the Mahathir regime’s mill and provided it with a host of opportunities to sabotage the Barisan Alternatif’s appeal for a large proportion of the electorate. Together with the quite fortuitous and unforeseen, episode of 11 September 2001, all this has put Mahathir and his cohorts onto a new high, and has placed KeADILan, the Barisan Alternatif and the Reformasi movement as a whole into a most disadvantageous position.

As a result, the Reformasi movement has come close to losing its sense of purpose and direction, to the bitter disappointment of that large constituency of Malaysians of all ages, political affiliations, ethnic origins and occupational groups who yearn for democratic reform and an end to the corruption, cronyism and money politics.

Reinventing Reformasi

The movement must resume its original role as a pressure group

The only conclusion that one can draw at this juncture - if the movement for restoring democracy is ever to succeed - is for the Reformasi movement to re-invent itself and return to its beginnings. In other words, the movement must resume its original role as a pressure group* (See Box at the end of article) - not seeking power for itself but working with single-minded purpose for the reinstatement of the basic principles of democracy in this country.

The nucleus for such a restoration is already present in the existence of Aliran and Suaram - both of which are organisations prominent, active and articulate in their efforts to educate public opinion in the principles of democracy. These two non-communal NGOs, also have the kind of experienced leadership that the situation demands. They should take this opportunity to convene a grand assembly to launch a People’s Pact for Democracy, so as to rally around them all true lovers of democracy and create a powerful pressure group which can mobilise popular opinion for the cause of democracy per se, regardless of party affiliation.

For, in truth, only a pan-Malaysian movement based on principle and not political expediency has any chance of restoring democracy to this country. Only such a pressure group - with no ties or links with any particular party but with supports from members from all of them - can serve as a rallying point for the hundreds of thousands of citizens of this country who are waiting for a such a lead in order to achieve such an end. This vast, untapped reservoir of support includes professionals and businessmen, artists and academicians, government servants and officers and men of the Police and of the Armed Forces; white- collar employees in commercial firms, shop assistants and workers in all forms of industry. Good Muslims and good Buddhists, Confucianists, Taoists, Hindus and Christians; Sabahans and Sarawa-kians, be they Kadazan, Murut, Bajau, Bidayuh, Iban or Penan (etc.); Malays, Chinese, Indians and Orang Asli - all form part of the great, silent majority who can be counted upon to rally to the call to claim the democratic rights which belong to all of us; provided they see that they have leaders dedicated and competent enough to enable them to achieve this end.

* The writer of this article, in arguing that it is only through a mass movement of all citizens, not of political parties, that can really save the day as far as democracy in this country is concerned, does not wish to imply in any way that political parties do not have a role to play, or that Parti KeADILan Nasional, in particular should dissolve itself. Once the ground rules of democracy have been re-established in our political system, the political parties should be free to play their roles, and there is certainly room for a secular, non-communal, middle-of -the-road party such as KeADILan to represent the middle-of- the-road voter.

Democratic values are universal human values recognised and respected by all mankind. They are not the creation of East or West, North or South, but are inherent in our nature as rational human beings, as a guarantee of our individual rights and a guide to our obligations to society. The threat to that democracy, which is as much the heritage and birthright of all of us in Malaysia, as much as in other countries in the world, is very real. It is getting late. The events of September 1998 are fast receding from the popular memory. The problem of the loss of our democracy to a self-appointed elite remains, but the chance to redeem it will not last for ever. We are at the eleventh hour. It is time to act.

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