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The 2004 BN victory

By fair means or foul?

Unexplained increases in total voters in key “front-line” states

by Jeyakumar Devaraj
Aliran Monthly 2004:5



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kumar2 (5K)
Jeyakumar: "Something sinister appears to have happened"
The mainstream media describe the 2004 Elections as a landslide victory for the BN and as an unequivocal endorsement of the new Prime Minister’s initiatives. The opposition parties on the other hand allege massive electoral fraud and are in the process of filing court actions ­ at the time of writing, PAS has already filed 22 Election Petitions including 8 in Trengganu and 6 in Kelantan. KeAdilan has filed for a Judicial Review of the entire elections.

For the independent-minded Malaysian who would like to know what really took place, the data presented here would be useful.

Discrepancies in the registration of new voters

The number of voters in any State in Malaysia would tend to slowly increase over time ­ in parallel with the population growth of the State. However we would expect that the rate of increase in voters would be about the same in all States - the exception being States with rapid economic development which might show a higher rate of increase due to the influx of workers into that State.

The figures in Table 1 were derived from releases by SPR. As is quite evident, the quantum of increase in registered voters is not uniform, with Selangor and the “front-line States of Trengganu, Kedah and Pahang having 2-digit increments in total voters registered, while other States had much lower increases in the number of voters registered. This table does provide strong circumstantial evidence for the BA’s allegations of electoral fraud in certain States.

Table 1: Total registered voters by state in peninsula Malaysia 1999 and 2004

State

Registered

Registered

% change

Turnout

 

1999

2004

 

2004

Perlis

105,733

112,482

6.4%

82.7%

Kedah

731,987

821,901

12.3%

80.9%

Penang

653,572

672,362

2.9%

75.8%

Perak

1,147,949

1,170,351

2.0%

67.3%

S'gor

1,096,751

1,422,274

29.7%

71.4%

FT

588,878

640,656

8.8%

67.9%

N Semb

406,631

404,913

0.4%

 

Melaka

       

Johor

1,068,001

1,152,494

7.9%

-72.6%

Pahang

479,106

570,126

19.0%

76.3%

Trengg

389,071

455,924

17.2%

87.0%

K'tan

641,753

662,722

3.3%

81.1%


It would be in the enlightened interest of the BN to refrain from pressuring the Judiciary into employing technicalities to disallow the various Election Petitions alleging electoral fraud, for the very credibility of the electoral process is at stake ­ and this is far more important than the loss of a few BN seats. The legitimacy of the ruling party would be seriously undermined by any attempts to cover up any perceived fraud.

Erosion in Malay support for opposition parties

start_quote (1K) If there was indeed electoral fraud ­ if the disproportionate increase of voters in the front-line States was due to fraud ­ then it couldn’t have occurred without complicity on the part of the SPR. end_quote (1K)
There are several constituencies in the country that have more than 95% Malay voters. We can use these as a gauge of Malay support for the parties contesting such seats. However as there are legitimate grounds for suspecting that the voters lists in Kedah, Trengganu and Pahang, have been padded with BN friendly phanthoms, we should look at Malay majority seats in other States.

Kelantan has 14 parliamentary constituencies ­ 5 had Malay majorities of less than 95%, while 2 others were contested by KeAdilan. The results for the remaining 7 are tabulated in Table 2. In all seven there were straight fights between UMNO and PAS in 1999 and in 2004.

Table 2: Support for PAS in selected constituencies in Kelantan 1999 and 2004

Constituency

UMNO

PAS

UMNO

PAS

 

Votes

Votes

Votes

Votes

 

1999

1999

2004

2004

         

Pengkalan Chepa P 20

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 97.4%

8 402

24 347

14 399

20 621

 

 

 

 

 

Pasir Mas P 22

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 95.8%

15 690

24 265

16 275

17 526

 

 

 

 

 

Rantau Panjang P 23

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 97.7%

11 429

19 994

14 295

15 027

 

 

 

 

 

Kubang Kerian P 24

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 97.9%

9 577

25 668

15 803

21 430

 

 

 

 

 

Bachok P 25

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 98.2%

15 406

25 223

28 194

21 922

 

 

 

 

 

Pasir Putih P 28

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 97.5%

17 536

25 947

23 208

27 018

 

 

 

 

 

Jeli P 30

 

 

 

 

Malay voters : 98.8%

15 230

15 923

16 960

9 007

 

 

 

 

 

Total

93 270

161 367

129 134

132 551

 

 

(63.4%)

 

50.7%)


It is clear that support for PAS among Kelantanese voters has eroded by around 20% between 1999 and 2004. This should not be whitewashed with the excuse of electoral fraud because there wasn’t the massive influx of new voters into Kelantan as there was in Trengganu , Kedah and Pahang.

Table 3: Support for Keadilan in selected constituencies 1999 and 2004

Constituency

UMNO

KeAdilan

UMNO

KeAdilan

 

Vote 1999

Vote 1999

Vote 2004

Vote 2004

         

P26 Ketereh

       

96.7/2.0/0.3*

15 873

20 398

20 024

17 136

         

(P27 Tanah

       

Merah

       

93.3/4.9/1.1

14 301

18 968

16 107

13 580

         

N 39 Bota,

       

Perak

       

97.9/0.3/0.4/1.5

5 202

5 833

6 031

4 302

         
 

35 376

45 199

42 162

35 018

   

(56.1%)

 

(45.4%)

*Denotes % of Malay, Chinese and Indian voters in that constituency
A similarly large erosion of Malay support affected KeAdilan as is documented in Table 3. For the three seats tabulated in the table below, the overall erosion of votes was 19.1% (10.7/56.1).

The factors that caused this significant swing of Malay votes away from the BA parties cannot be gleaned from these statistics themselves. But these figures do suggest that UMNO would have improved its performance in Kedah, Trengganu and in Pahang even if there had not been any electoral fraud. (This is not to downplay attempts to expose and combat electoral fraud!)

Non-Malay hesitation in supporting Keadilan and PAS

The DAP appears to have received 60 ­ 66% of the non-Malay vote in certain urban constituencies. This is documented in Table 4.

Table 4: Non Malay Support for the DAP

Constituency

Total Votes cast in 2004

Non- Malay Votes

Votes for DAP

d/b

d/c

 

(b)

(c)

(d)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bagan P 43

 

 

 

 

 

15.0/70.7/14.0

42 568

26 183

23 095

54.3%

63.8%

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ipoh Timor P 64

 

 

 

 

 

8.8/85.6/5.2

47 928

43 710

28 851

60.2%

66%

 

 

 

 

 

 

Batu Gajah P 66

 

 

 

 

 

10.0/79.0/10.8

49 397

44 457

28 662

58.0%

64.5%

 

 

 

 

 

 

Siputeh P 122

 

 

 

 

 

4.8/89.2/5.4

46 339

44 115

28 921

62.4%

65.6%

Source: SPR press release

None of the KeAdilan candidates contested in such large Chinese majority constituencies. However analysis of polling stations with high Chinese representation in the mixed constituencies contested by KeAdilan candidates indicates that there was significant hesitation among the non-Malay voters ­ and KeAdilan candidates only received around 35 per cent of the non-Malay votes just slightly over half of what DAP received! See Table 5.

Table 5: Non-Malay support for Keadilan in selected polling stations

Polling Station

Votes for BN2004

Votes for KeADILan2004

Total Votes Cast

Kg Bahru Ampang

 

 

 

99/19/12*

 

 

 

(1.1/97.6/1.2)

2623

1376

3999

 

 

 

 

Kg Bahru Ampang P

 

 

 

99/20/12

 

 

 

(1.3/97.5/1.1)

584

374

958

 

 

 

 

Total

3207

1750

4957

Note 1. * denotes percentage of Malay, Chinese and Indian votes in that polling station.

Note 2. UMNO candidate

(Source: Dr Xavier Jayakumar)

Conclusion: Fair means or foul?

From the statistics above it is clear that there was swing of sentiment in favour of the BN both for Malay as well as for non-Malay voters, both in the West coast as well as the East Coast. The BN would have definitely done better than in 1999. The BA parties have to face the fact that they have not impressed the people too much these past five years, and should seriously review weaknesses in their approach and modus operandi, instead of ascribing it all to dirty tricks by the BN.

However the figures in Table 1 do give cause for concern ­ something sinister appears to have happened. If there was indeed electoral fraud ­ if the disproportionate increase of voters in the front-line States was due to fraud ­ then it couldn’t have occurred without complicity on the part of the SPR. If so, it represents a serious deterioration in the impartiality and professionalism of the SPR itself, and is a significant departure from previous forms of electoral fraud which were sponsored by individual politicians, with the SPR just turning a blind eye. The 2004 results have raised the suspicion that the SPR or a well connected faction within it has taken center stage in organizing electoral fraud!

It is crucially important for the SPR and the BN to demonstrate to the Malaysian public that there was no fraud by allowing a fair and impartial review of the various irregularities that took place in the 2004 elections. And if there were indeed some attempts at fraud the perpetrators must be apprehended and charged. Anything less would be unlikely to stem the growing disillusionment with the process of parliamentary democracy in Malaysia.

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